“As a Congressman from Texas, I co-sponsored the ‘Prayer in School’ Amendment.
“Education is not just the teaching of facts and figures, but also the values that make up our democratic way of life. We must teach values. I believe ‘value-free’ education does not serve either the student or the society well.
“I favor a voluntary prayer in school as an extension of our commitment to teaching values. I believe that students should have the right, if they wish, for a momentary reflection, meditation, or prayer.”
“The Republic of South Africa is by far the richest, most powerful, and most highly developed country in sub-Saharan Africa. It is the most influential country in southern Africa-a superpower in the region. South Africa’s location at the tip of Africa has great strategic significance, and South Africa has large reserves of minerals which are vitally important to the West.
“But South Africa is a pariah state. The vastly outnumbered Afrikaners, acting out of fear, have constructed the racist system of apartheid to ensure their political and economic supremacy. That system is morally repugnant to all who believe in human liberty, and we cannot rest until apartheid is eliminated from South Africa.
“The United States must balance its strategic interest in a stable, pro-Western South Africa with the equally pressing political and moral imperative to change South Africa’s apartheid system. The long-range political interests of the United States will only be served by the elimination of apartheid.
“We need to convince all South African’s-black and white-that the United States seriously desires the end of apartheid. We have taken positive, effective, and tangible steps to achieve this goal. The passage of the 1986 Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act puts in place strong sanctions against South Africa and sets conditions for their removal. Unfortunately, the political and economic effects of the sanctions have been marginal to negative: We believe the South African Government has made little progress in dismantling apartheid, and black South Africans have been set back economically.
“In addition, we work closely with the business community to encourage adherence to the Sullivan principles of fair employment practices. These practical programs which build and strengthen the black South African community politically and economically are the key to a peaceful power-sharing in South Africa.
“The 1986 Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act is the law of the land and we have faithfully implemented the law. The debate over sanctions was about means, not ends. But sanctions are not a policy in and of themselves. Under present circumstances, I will not recommend further sanctions. Rather, we must continue to use diplomacy and negotiations for constructive change.
“While I believe that U.S. policy in the past seven years has made progress, fresh initiatives should acknowledge new realities and focus clearly on the central issue of political change in South Africa. We should encourage the development of strong, democratic black political institutions to aid in the peaceful transition to majority rule. American trade unions, religious groups, and other groups should work with their South African counterparts to help develop such democratic institutions.”
“Let me tell you, I have been t oYad Vashem. And I have been to Auschwitz. I have seen the mounds of human hiar, the eyeglasses and toothbrushes and the tiny children’s shoes, all that remains of the millions of victims who died there. I have seen the empty canisters of poison gas.
“The lesion of these places I s that never again can we remain silent about the abuse of human rights, never again.
“I cam away from Auschwitz determined not just to remember the Holocaust, but determined to renew our commitment to human rights around the world. I found myself thinking, ‘If we in the United States are not strong enough, not courageous enough to stand up for human rights, who will? Who in God’s name will?’
“As Elie Wiesel once said, ‘In extreme situations, when human lives and dignity are at stake, neutrality is a sin.’
“Now Mr. Gorbachev has embarked on a policy of glasnost, or openness. But openness begins at the borders. I won’t be content to see five or six or ten or 20 refuseniks released at a time, but thousands, tens of thousands, al those who want to go. And those who want to stay let them practice their religion in freedom. Let them study Hebrew. Let them pray in their own synagogues. Let them hear the Voice of Israel. Let them lead Jewish lives.
“The human rights issue is now a permanent part o the U.S.-Soviet agenda. It was high on the agendas for the summit. I personally raised it with Mr. Gorbachev. And I can tell you, I will not be satisfied until the promise of Helsinki is a reality.
“Mr. Gorbachev: Let these people go!”
“I would create a National Space Council, chaired by the Vice President and composed of the heads of such departments as Commerce, Defense, State, and Transportation in addition to NASA. You see, our space effort must incorporate elements of not only pure science and exploration, but also national security and economic growth. There needs to be a comprehensive strategy for space.
“NASA should remain the lead agency in exploring the frontiers of space science and technology, from development of a trans-atmospheric vehicle to construction of a space station. What it should not be is a freight service for routine commercial payloads.
“That should be the province of the private sector, and we have already taken first steps in that direction by requiring the use of civilian launch services. But the government procurement process is a model of suffocating bureaucratic excess.
“In the short term, we have to reconstruct the replacement shuttle. But because Mission to Planet Earth would require the ability to launch large payloads, it would justify the building of a heavy-lift launch vehicle, designed for minimum weight.
“Such a vehicle should deliver a pound of payload for a small fraction of the cost on the space shuttle.
“Listen, the Soviets mass-produce such vehicles and launch them routinely. We need them, too. We particularly need them for SDI. Any space-based defense will require a deep reduction in the price of placing cargo in orbit in order to be affordable. Indeed, costs need to be cut by a factor of 10.
“We should make a long-term commitment to manned and unmanned exploration of the solar system. There is much to be done: future exploration of the moon, a mission to Mars, robes of the outer planets. These are worthwhile objectives, and they should not be neglected. They should be pursued in a spirit of both bipartisanship and international teamwork.
“In very basic ways, our exploration of space defines us as a people. It shows our willingness to take great risks from great rewards, to challenge the unknown, to reach beyond ourselves. To strive for knowledge and innovation and growth. Our commitment to leadership in space is symbolic of the role we seek in the world.
“With faith in the future and a renewed sense of commitment, we can regain the spirit of Mercury and Apollo. The question for Americans, a people of pioneers, will never be, ‘Should we explore the universe?’ but ‘How can we not?’”
“I am opposed to tax increases.
“In the past several years, tax increases have been use to feed Congressional spending, not for true deficit reduction. This should be a warning against tax hickes to all future Presidents-unless you can control Congress’s spending, increased revenues will go to increased spending.
“I have recently proposed to reduce the capital gains rate to 15 percent (from the 28 percent scheduled under the Tax Reform Act) on gains held more than one year. We need more investment in order to compete in trade and industry with other nations.
“I strongly supported the 1981 tax cut, which has been the primary engine for the unprecedented strong economic recovery of the past five years. The 1986 Tax Reform Act was a good bill, through imperfect, and I decided on balance to support the final version that emerged from conference committee. As I have noted, some tax incentives for business need to be restored; my capital gains tax proposal would achieve the goal of encouraging risk-taking.”
“There is a fundamental problem with an organization whose charter gives a nation of a half a million people the same single vote in the General Assembly that it gives China, with 1.2 billion people. It is true that resolutions of the General Assembly are not binding in international law. But it s also true that often outrageous and irrelevant resolutions passed by the General Assembly diminish the U.N.’s overall standing in the court of world opinion.
“Yes, the U.N. had some successes, but they were mainly in the economic and social areas. For example, the World Health Organizations did outstanding work, and the U.N. High Commission on Refugees, despite inefficiency and infighting, saved the lives of millions.
“The U.N. is useful for international discussion, but too often in the last decades it has become a forum for those who disdain democratic values and who seek to undermine. It has sometimes become a forum for the practitioners of terror and violence and for their propaganda.
“Having served in the U.N. and having watched it quite carefully during the last 15 years, I can tell you that the increase in block voting is very damaging. I lament the propagandistic attacks on the United States, I lament the one-sided incessant attacks on the State of Israel. And though I do not fault the Secretary General himself, it is clear that the U.N.’s role as a peacemaker and peacekeeper is minor at best.”